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New Zealand Yearbook of New Zealand Jurisprudence |
Last Updated: 25 April 2015
“ONE LAW FOR ALL” – PROBLEMS IN APPLYING
MāORI CUSTOM LAW IN A UNITARY STATE1
THE HON JUSTICE PAUL HEATH
I. INTRODUCTION
I swear that I will well and truly serve Her Majesty, Her heirs and
successors, according to law, in the office of ; and I will do
right to all
manner of people after the laws and usages of New Zealand without fear or
favour, affection or ill will. So help me
God.2
The judicial oath requires a Judge to do right to all people “after the
laws and usages of New Zealand”, without fear
or favour, affection or ill
will. It is inherent in the oath that the Judge will treat Māori,
Pākehā and other ethnic
groups equally, applying both laws and
“usages” of New Zealand. When considering if it is permissible to
apply Māori
custom in any given setting, the Judge must consider whether it
is a “usage” properly to be applied as part of the law
of New
Zealand.
In determining that question, a Judge must remember that there is as much a
“Māori law” as there is a “Māori
language”.3 The sense of identity that leads to that
proposition is reflected in the whakataukī.
E kore au e ngaro
He kākano i ruia mai i Rangiātea4
In 1840, in a communication from the British Government to Governor Hobson,
the Governor was instructed to recognise the customs developed
by
Māori:5
1 I acknowledge with gratitude the considerable assistance provided by Blair Keown, Judges’ Clerk, High Court Auckland, in the preparation of this paper. I have also drawn extensively, not always with attribution, from New Zealand Law Commission Māori Custom and Values in New Zealand Law (NZLC SP9 2001), to which I was a party.
2 The judicial oath. Section 18, Oaths and Declarations Act 1957. The oath, in this form,
was first taken in New Zealand in 1873 in accordance with s 4 of the Promissory Oaths Act
1873.
3 Durie “Will The Settlors Settle? Cultural Conciliation and Law” (1996) 8 Otago Law Review
449 at 451.
4 I will never be lost for I am a seed sown from Rangiātea.
5 Dispatch from Lord John Russell to Governor Hobson, 9 December 1840
(1841) 311 New Zealand Parliamentary Papers 24 cited in Frame
“Colonising Attitudes Towards Maori Custom” (1981) NZLJ 105 at
105-106. Emphasis added.
[The Māori people] have established by their own customs a division and
appropriation of the soil ... with usages having the character and authority
of law ... it will of course be the duty of the protectors to make
themselves conversant with these native customs ...
I suggest that it is no coincidence that the word “usages” also
appears in the judicial oath.
Section 71 of the New Zealand Constitution Act 1852 provided:
And whereas it may be expedient that the Laws, Customs, and Usages of the
aboriginal or native Inhabitants of New Zealand, so far as they are not
repugnant to the general Principles of Humanity, should for the present be
maintained for the Government
of themselves, in all their Relations to and
Dealings with each other, and that particular Districts should be set apart
within which
such Laws, Customs, or Usages should be so observed:
It shall be lawful for Her Majesty ... from Time to Time to make Provision
for the Purposes aforesaid, any Repugnancy of any such
native Laws, Customs, or
Usages to the Law of England, or to any Law, Statute, or Usage in force
in New Zealand, or in any Part thereof, in anywise
notwithstanding.
However, this section was never used. It was repealed on enactment of the
Constitution Act 1986. No districts were “set aside”
in terms of s
71 notwithstanding the efforts of those associated with, among others, the
Kīngitanga movement.6
Notwithstanding the promising start to the recognition of Māori customs
at the beginning of European settlement, those responsible
for governing the
Colony after the Treaty of Waitangi was signed quickly acted to dispel the
notion that Māori custom and British
sovereignty could coalesce. A clear
example of the growing denial of Māori custom law is found in Prendergast
CJ’s judgment
in Wi Parata v The Bishop of Wellington.7
The Chief Justice said:8
... Had any body of law or custom, capable of being understood and
administered by the Courts of a civilised country, been known to
exist, the
British Government would surely have provided for its recognition, since nothing
could exceed the anxiety displayed to
infringe no just right of the aborigines.
...
...
6 Joseph “Colonial Biculturalism? The Recognition & Denial of Māori Custom in the Colonial & Post-Colonial Legal System of Aotearoa/New Zealand” Paper presented to Te Mātāhauariki Research Institute, University of Waikato FRST Project, 1998 at 2 (abstract).
7 Wi Parata v Bishop of Wellington [1877] NZJurRp 183; (1877) 3 NZ Jur (NS) 72.
8 Ibid at 77-78 and 79-80.
Whatever may be meant by the phrase “the persons or property, whether
real or personal, of the Māori people,” the
next following words,
“and touching the title,” [etc] can only signify that the Court is
enabled and required to entertain
and determine questions of native title. The
[Native Rights Act 1865] speaks further on of the “Ancient Custom and
Usage of
the Māori people,” as if some such body of customary law did
in reality exist. But a phrase in a statute cannot call what
is non-existent
into being. As we have shown, the proceedings of the British Government and the
legislation of the colony have at
all times been practically based on the
contrary supposition, that no such body of law existed; and herein have been in
entire accordance
with good sense and indubitable facts. ...
... If, therefore, the contention of the plaintiff in the present case be
correct, the Native Lands Court, guided only by “The
Ancient Custom and
Usage of the Māori people, so far as the same can be ascertained,” is
constituted the sole and unappealable
judge of the validity of every title in
the country.
Fortunately we are not bound to affirm so startling a conclusion. The Crown,
not being named in the statute, is clearly not bound
by it; as the Act, if it
bound the Crown, would deprive it of a prerogative right, that namely of
conclusively determining when the
native title has been duly extinguished
...
The Law Commission described the eclipse of Māori custom
law:9
A number of factors combined to ensure that the systems of introduced laws
and settler policies were geared towards the eclipse of
Māori custom law.
These included:
a) the belief that English institutions and culture were innately superior,
and it was in the best interests of Māori to assimilate;
b) the desire to create an ideal English society in New Zealand;
c) the introduction of English laws and internalising colonial values; and d) the settlers’ desire for land resulting in land alienation from Māori.
That is the background against which it is necessary to consider what place
Māori custom law continues to have (or should have)
within the New Zealand
judicial system.
ii. PARLIAMENTARY SOVEREIGNTY AND THE COMMON LAW
The concept of Parliamentary sovereignty10 means that common law
development by the Court cannot conflict with the law as stated in a statute.
But there appears no impediment
to the development, as part of New Zealand
common law, of principles that rely on Māori custom, provided they are
capable of
being readily identified and applied in a predictable manner. Any
person ought to be permitted to organise his or her affairs in
the shadow of the
law; meaning that the known law is used as the framework by which the affairs
are ordered. And, to do so, the terms
of the law must be readily
accessible.
In the criminal law there are limited opportunities to apply custom. All
offences are identified by statute. The Courts that have
jurisdiction in
criminal proceedings and the procedures they are obliged to follow are both
prescribed by statute. Those procedures
recognise an adversarial contest where
witnesses are challenged through cross-examination by a lawyer representing the
opposing party.
That procedure is inherently inconsistent with the nature of
tikanga Māori.
There is room in the sentencing process to pay greater heed to cultural
considerations. These will be discussed later, but include
the ability to
request that a person be heard on cultural or whanau issues,11 the
requirement for a Court to take account of any “offer of
amends”12 made by the offender, the possibility of the use of
a restorative justice process designed to enable offender and victims to redress
the wrong committed and the ability to adjourn sentencing for significant
periods to permit agreed responses to be carried out by
the
offender.13
From a civil law perspective there is greater scope to apply custom. First,
there is the possibility of custom being incorporated
as part of a “New
Zealand common law”. As more Pākehā embrace Māori culture
as part of their New Zealand
identity, the prospects of incorporating Māori
customary practices grow. A generational shift is taking place and it may be,
as
a generation of Pākehā more informed about Māori history and
customs grow into positions of responsibility, that
the best of both the
Māori and Pākehā worlds can be synthesised in creating a common
law that is consistent with statutory
overlay. Second, there is the ability for
all citizens to refer their disputes to mediation or arbitration. Where
Māori parties
are involved there is no reason why appropriate tikanga
cannot be chosen as the method of resolving disputes.
10 Now enshrined in s 3(2) of the Supreme Court Act 2003.
11 Sentencing Act 2002, s 27.
12 Ibid, s 10.
13 Ibid, s 25.
In contrast to the existing judicial framework (save to the extent I have
identified), Māori custom law and the values which
inform it serve a
fundamentally different purpose and come from a different philosophical base
from the laws developed since colonial
government began. For the purposes of
this paper, I rely broadly on tikanga Māori as a basis of Māori custom
law.14
In 2002, after consultation with Māori, the Law Commission expressed
central values that underpin the totality of tikanga
Māori:15
• Whanaungatanga – primarily this denotes the relationships
between people bonded by blood, and the rights and obligations
that follow from
the individual’s place in the collective group.16
• Mana – encompasses political power, as well as authority, control,
influence and prestige.17
• Tapu – seen as part of a code for social conduct based upon
keeping safe and avoiding risk, as well as protecting
the sanctity of revered
persons and traditional values.18
• Utu – relates to the concept of reciprocity in order to
maintain relationships between people.19
• Kaitiakitanga – relates to the notion of stewardship and protection,
often used in relation to natural resources.20
The Commission recognised that each iwi applies variations of those values to
inform their particular tikanga. Furthermore, any attempt
to define tikanga must
take account of tikanga tangata (social organisation), tikanga rangatira
(leadership) and tikanga whenua (connections
to the land).21 The
Commission also referred to whakataukī as illustrative of
tikanga.22
14 Although I accept the salutary caution sounded by Dame Joan Metge in directly equating tikanga with Māori custom law in New Zealand Law Commission Māori Custom and Values in New Zealand Law (NZLC SP9 2001) at 2.
15 New Zealand Law Commission Treaty of Waitangi Claims: Addressing the Post-Settlement
Phase (NZLC SP13 2002) at 9, para 42.
16 Discussed in New Zealand Law Commission Maori Custom and Values in New Zealand
Law (NZLC SP9 2001), paras 130-136.
17 Ibid, paras 137-149.
18 Ibid, paras 150-155.
19 Ibid, paras 156-162.
20 Ibid, paras 163-166.
21 New Zealand Law Commission Treaty of Waitangi Claims: Addressing the Post Settlement
Phase (NZLC SP13 2002) at 9, paras 42 and 43.
22 Ibid, at 9-10, paras 44-48.
Translated into the context of a dispute resolution process, tikanga
Māori has no winner or loser. Nor are the relevant parties
restricted to
those immediately interested individuals that are accorded standing in common
law legal systems. Consistent with this
deeper focus, the ultimate aim of a
tikanga-based dispute resolution mechanism is the maintenance and restoration of
balance. Balance
is to be assessed in a broad and qualitative manner.
Tikanga Māori aligns more closely with an inquisitorial model of dispute
resolution where every party seeks to achieve a common
and mutually beneficial
goal. As a general construct, this is fundamentally at odds with the adversarial
system.
This is not to suggest that there is no common ground between the two
systems. Indeed, when identifying the content of the law, both
have a conception
of precedent. The existing judicial system relies on a written tradition. The
tradition of tikanga Māori is
oral. In this respect, Māori custom law
and the existing common law are not fundamentally different.23 While
the values that inform it are different, their overriding function (as
representing the practices of the community) is identical.
Where Parliament
permits (or does not prohibit) the development of common law, there is scope in
theory for the development of substantive
law which fuses European values and
tikanga Māori.
There appear to be two principal means by which Māori custom law could
be worked into the judicial system. First, the entire
judicial system could be
overhauled, and either parallel systems of adjudication developed or a system of
adjudication developed
which takes equal account of Māori custom and
“European” values. Second, the existing framework could be modified,
thereby permitting Māori concepts and custom to operate where
appropriate.
The former option is inherently unlikely given the significant paradigm shift
and attendant costs that an entirely new system would
occasion. It is
inconsistent with the Crown’s position that Māori gave up the right
to develop their own system of law
with the cession of sovereignty under Article
One of the English version of the Treaty of Waitangi. It is also at odds with
the practical
need for New Zealand law to deal fairly with all New Zealanders,
whose ethnic origins have become more varied in recent years.
The Law Commission has opined that such an approach is
unnecessary:24
23 Though the oral tradition of Māori is more dynamic and fluid than the written English
tradition which emphasises certainty.
24 New Zealand Law Commission Justice: The Experiences of Māori Women (NZLC R53
1999) at 120, para 424.
Māori autonomy is not an outcome which requires Māori and
non-Māori to live in separate worlds, or which permits the
existence of
separate legal systems or encourages defiance of the law. The future of New
Zealand must lie in a single legal system
which nevertheless recognises and
respects Māori values, tikanga and aspirations. Indeed the common law
principle of aboriginal
rights already requires enforcement by the courts of
such rights in the mainstream of that single legal system.
The second option, in addition to being more attractive from a resource point
of view, seems to be the only option that is politically
acceptable. While this
could be seen as consigning Māori custom and values to a gap-filling
role,25 I am more sanguine about the prospects of producing a more
substantive solution.
Blair Keown’s view is that, at the level of legal process, Māori
custom will be taken into account where the associated
trade-off is not too
great. At the level of legal content, he considers that this trade-off is not as
apparent and that practical
rather than theoretical difficulties hinder progress
into a truly integrated common law.
I do not disagree with those underlying themes. However, I am, perhaps, more
optimistic about the future.
I see greater numbers of Pākehā New Zealanders interested in issues
Māori, in learning te reo and in educating themselves
about customary
practices. I see people born from the late 1970s striving to find identity as a
New Zealander that is distinct from
values derived from Britain. The increasing
number of migrants from different countries has added to that. Many have, in my
experience,
made real efforts to learn about te ao Māori once decisions to
settle in this country have been made. As time goes on, I have
no doubt that a
wider range of New Zealanders will embrace many Māori traditions, something
that could lead to the development
of a common law which will encompass cultural
practices accepted by many more New Zealanders than is currently the
case.
III.
MāORI CUSTOM LAW IN JUDICIAL PROCESS
At present, there is an institutional reluctance to depart from the
adversarial system of justice. This reluctance is particularly
acute in the
context of criminal prosecutions where the adversarial process is considered
integral to the notion of a fair trial.
Outside of this realm there is more
scope for the development
25 See Keown, “Ownership, Kaitiakitanga and Rangatiratanga in
Aotearoa/New Zealand” (2006) 2 Journal of Māori
Legal Writing
64.
of inquisitorial style processes. A number of statutory developments have
done precisely that.26 Yet such changes sit uneasily with the
constitutional conception of the Courts as objective
arbiters:27
Inevitably, the investigatory function of the “court” would break
down the doctrine of separation of powers and result
in appellate courts
becoming part of the executive branch of the State, as they effectively are in
many jurisdictions that reject
the adversary system of justice.
Any alteration to the existing process to take account of Māori custom
will meet resistance where the criminal adversarial system
is threatened. A
fundamental question is whether, without overhauling the present criminal
justice system completely or creating
a system that provides different laws for
different classes of New Zealanders, there is room for tikanga in the criminal
arena.
In my view, New Zealanders generally will not accept a system whereby
different laws are applied to different classes of people. If
any suggestion
were to threaten the existence of New Zealand as a multi-cultural society, that
proposal is likely to top the list.
It is an idea which overlooks the
interaction that necessarily occurs between different ethnic groups; if there
are laws for Māori
and other laws for other New Zealanders, what happens
when the two collide? Which law prevails? Indeed, how can two legal systems
founded on race and culture be justified on a principled basis?
Nevertheless, there are considerable advantages in having legal processes
based on Māori custom law. It gives Māori ownership
of a system with
which they are more likely to identify,28 accords with Treaty
principles of participation and partnership,29 complies with Article
Two of the Māori version of the Treaty and contributes to a genuine sense
of cultural identity.30 Given the regrettable
26 See for example the establishment of the Employment Relations Authority under the
Employment Relations Act 2000 commented on in Claydon v Attorney-General [2002] 1
NZLR 130 (HC) at [16]. See also family law processes under the Guardianship Act 1968 and the Care of Children Act 2004. The former was the subject of consideration in Y v X [2003] 3 NZLR 261(HC) at [58].
27 Gipp v R (1998) 155 ALR 15 (HCA) at [55] per McHugh and Hayne JJ.
28 New Zealand Māori Council and Durie Hall “Restorative Justice: A Māori Perspective” in
Bowen & Consedine (eds) Restorative Justice: Contemporary Themes And Practice (1999)
25 at 28.
29 New Zealand Law Commission Justice: The Experiences of Māori Women (NZLC R53
1999) at 6.
30 New Zealand Law Commission Justice: The Experiences of Māori Women (NZLC R53
1999) at 8.
fact that Māori represent a significant proportion of those involved in
the criminal justice system,31 the case for greater Māori input
into legal process is compelling.
There are a number of processes based on Māori custom law which do not
pose a threat to the adversarial criminal justice system.
The ability to address
the Court in Māori,32 of kaumatua to address the Court in a
pre-trial proceeding,33 and the wider acceptance of Māori
protocol in Court proceedings have no substantive impact on the adversarial
contest. By and
large such practices are permitted to occur in Court.
A recent example from the High Court occurred early in 2007 at the conclusion
of an intra-family rape trial.34 Upon the guilty verdicts being
delivered, the victim’s family rose and delivered a challenge in te reo to
the prisoner. Registry
staff immediately leapt to their feet to quell the
disturbance. One member of the Court staff calmly explained the purpose of the
process and the cathartic effect it would have on the family. The Judge
permitted it to continue.
Extending purely procedural involvement to Māori without anything
further risks criticism on the grounds of paying lip service
to Māori
custom by permitting input where it is easy. The true acid test lies in the
extent to which the adversarial parts of
the criminal justice system (the trial
phase) can accommodate Māori customs and values.
Moana Jackson has mounted a strong argument in favour of Māori custom
playing a greater role in legal process.35 In his report to the then
Department of Justice, the author critically examined the various institutions
of the legal system as they
impact upon Māori. Among his many
recommendations was a call for a parallel criminal justice system for
Māori:36
31 In 2004 47 per cent of convictions for violent offences and 43 per cent of all convictions were attributed to Māori. This compares with 38 and 45 per cent respectively for New Zealand Europeans. See Soboleva, Kazakova & Chong Conviction and Sentencing of Offenders in New Zealand 1996 to 2005 (December 2006) at 54. Given that the Māori population is projected to reach 810,000 by 2026, this presents a formidable problem. See Statistics New Zealand National Ethnic Population Projections 2006 (base) – 2026 update. Available at http://www.stats.govt.nz/browse_for_stats/population/estimates_and_projections/ NationalEthnicPopulationProjections_HOTP2006-26.aspx (last accessed 7 November 2011).
32 Section 4, Māori Language Act 1987.
33 Police v Taurua [2002] DCR 306 (DC).
34 For the sentencing notes see R v Shepherd (HC Auckland, CRI 2005-090-000950, 28
February 2007, Andrews J).
35 Jackson The Māori and the Criminal Justice System Part Two (November 1988).
36 Ibid, at 277-278.
The aim of a Māori system would not be to simply transplant the
Pākehā organisation into a Māori context, but
to develop a
structural framework which reflects the imperatives of Māori law and the
processes it developed for maintaining
order. The runanga concept consisting of
selected people rather like the committees envisaged under the reform of the
Māori
Community Development Act would be one obvious structure. The idea of
a panel rather than an individual is important as it would
stress the community
responsibility to remedy wrongs committed against it. However ... runanga would
have power and authority to
hear and determine all cases involving offenders and
victims who identify as Māori. The attribution of guilt or innocence and
the determination of reparation or other sanction would be within its
jurisdiction. If a victim was non-Māori, or an institution
as distinct from
a person, jurisdiction would be varied in the sense that the victim would have
the right to have the matter heard
within the Māori system or referred to
Pākehā courts.
Once the alleged wrongdoer and his whanau met with the runanga, the aim of
the hearing would also be quite different. Under Pākehā
notions of
criminal jurisprudence, the objectives are to establish fault or guilt and then
to punish. The sentencing goals of retribution,
revenge, deterrence, and
isolation of the offender are extremely important, although the system often
pays lip service to the idea
of rehabilitation as well. A Māori system
would endeavour to seek a realignment of those goals to ensure restitution and
compensation
rather than retribution; to mediate the case to everyone’s
satisfaction rather than simply punish. Of course, sanction to express
community
disapproval would necessarily be a part of the process, but the method and type
of sanction would be shaped by traditions
other than the need to further
alienate an offender from his community. Implicit in the process of mediation is
concern for the victim
and the victim’s whanau. While the redress and
restitution available would be defined according to each offence, the
[aggrieved]
whanau would have the right to contribute to its determination in
any particular case. The end result would be a settlement and sanction
that
would not necessarily be any more harsh or lenient than those imposed by the
Pākehā system, although the method of
its imposition and fulfilment by
the defendant would clearly be different.
As Jackson acknowledges, there is little obstacle to a parallel system where:
37
(1) the offender is Māori; (2) the victim is Māori; and
(3) there is no dispute as to guilt.
In such circumstances the system operates for the sole purpose of formulating
a response to the proven offence. The adversarial phase
of the criminal justice
system is bypassed. Guilt having been determined, the underlying need for
an
37 Ibid, at 217.
adversarial process is removed. Necessarily, the sentencing process is more
inquisitorial in nature; it is for the Judge to impose
an appropriate sentence
to reflect the seriousness of the offending and the wrongs done to the victims
and the community generally.
Further, at least since passage of the Sentencing
Act, the ability to sentence in a manner that reflects cultural background has
been recognised.
One important point, however, is the need to bear in mind that serious
criminal conduct (eg sexual violation, wounding with intent
to cause grievous
bodily harm, manslaughter and murder) are offences to which important sentencing
goals of accountability,38 denunciation39 and
deterrence40 must apply. There is less room for more lenient
sentences to be imposed for serious offending through operation of a parallel
sentencing
regime that lacks institutional safeguards. Consistency is
important.
The availability of Māori-focused restorative justice programmes41
demonstrates the digestibility of Māori custom in this area and an
initial acceptance that the trade-off to the adversarial system
in these
circumstances is not too great. Section 10 of the Sentencing Act 2002 provides a
direct legislative pathway for muru42 or ifoga43 to be
accorded judicial recognition by permitting a Court to take offers of amends
into account at sentencing. The Māori Community
Development Act 1962
permits Māori committees to impose penalties on Māori for certain
conduct falling within the Summary
Offences Act 1981. The Children Young Persons
and Their Families Act 1989 provides for family group conferences to address
youth
offending which can be held on marae, with Māori facilitators and
kaumatua present.
38 Section 7(1)(a), Sentencing Act 2002.
39 Section 7(1)(e), Sentencing Act 2002.
40 Section 7(1)(f), Sentencing Act 2002.
41 See for example, Te Whanau Awhina referred to in Maxwell and Hayes “Restorative Justice Developments in the Pacific Region: A Comprehensive Survey” (2006) 9(2) Contemporary Justice Review 127 at 131-133 Available at ips.ac.nz/events/downloads/PacificCJR.G%20
Maxwell.pdf (last accessed 7 November 2011) and Tomas & Quince “Māori Disputes and their Resolution” in Peter Spiller (ed) Dispute Resolution in New Zealand (Oxford University Press, Auckland, 1999) 205 at 225-226; and Te Oritenga referred to in Quinn and Bowen “Restorative justice in New Zealand” in (1997) 486 Lawtalk 34 at 35-36.
42 The taking of personal property as compensation for an offence against an individual, community or society. For a general discussion of muru see Ministry of Justice He Hinatore ki te Ao Maori – A Glimpse into the Maori World: Maori Perspectives on Justice (Ministry of Justice, Wellington, 2001) at 75-79. For an historical account of muru see Mead Tikanga Māori: Living by Māori Values (Huia Publishers, Wellington, 2003) at 151-164.
43 A ceremony in which an apology in the Samoan way is offered. For an in-depth discussion
of ifoga see Tuala-Warren “A Study in Ifoga: Samoa’s Answer to Dispute Healing” (2004)
4 Te Matahauariki Institute Occasional Paper Series.
However, institutional acceptance has its limits. Restorative justice
mechanisms that incorporate Māori custom are generally
restricted to either
youth offenders or relatively minor offences. That is consistent with the notion
that the more serious the offending
the greater the public interest in
subjecting offenders to the generic sentencing process. The more serious the
offending, the more
difficult it is to make a case for a parallel sentencing
process relevant only to one sector of the community.
This response is reflected in the attitude of the High Court and the Court of
Appeal, at the level of serious offending, to both Māori
restorative
justice measures and Samoan practices of ifoga. While the Courts have been
willing to treat a concluded hui at which
a full apology was proffered44
and an accepted ifoga45 as a mitigating factor at sentencing,
they have rejected both as representing a complete punishment. In
Talataina, the Court of Appeal expressed itself as
follows:46
... The law of New Zealand must be administered in the interests of our
society as a whole. The Court must therefore give weight to
the difference in
the emphasis that this society places on certain types of conduct, perhaps on
sexual crimes in particular.
I have touched on the difficulties inherent in devising a parallel criminal trial system. According to tikanga, where liability was denied, investigation into crimes would be conducted openly by iwi and hapū. Offenders could defend themselves and call witnesses. From this dialogue of accusation and investigation47 would come a decision. Penalties were delivered quickly with no right of appeal. Would all Māori charged with offences be prepared to accept such a diminution of rights afforded by the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act
199048 or the procedural safeguards of an adversarial
system?
Judges have not been prepared to permit custom law to intrude into a trial
process; for example, a case involving the rejection of
a request for a jury
comprising six Māori and six Pākehā members,49 an
application for a father to defend his son in accordance with Māori
custom,50 an application for a trial to take place on the
accused’s marae,51 and, more drastically, an
application
44 R v P (HC Auckland CRI 2005-063-1213 9 August 2006 Priestley J).
45 R v Maposua (CA131/04 3 September 2004); R v Talataina (1991) 7 CRNZ 33 (CA).
46 R v Talataina (1991) 7 CRNZ 33 (CA) at 36.
47 Known as whakawa.
48 For example, the right to a fair trial and the need for a Court to comply with the principles of natural justice: see ss 25 and 27, New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990.
49 R v Pairama (1995) 13 CRNZ 496 (HC).
50 Ibid.
51 Rameka v Police [2000] DCR 166 (DC); Clarke v Police (DC Kaitaia, CRN 5029004943,
15 March 1996, Judge MF Hobbs).
for the applicant to be tried by her own people in accordance with tikanga.52
The more general attack on the jurisdiction of “Pākehā” Courts has also
(necessarily) been roundly rejected.53
In the civil context, there is more room to accommodate cultural needs where
the parties share a cultural identity. It is open to
parties to a civil dispute
to resolve their conflict outside of the State-provided Court
system.54
By way of example, I have conducted a sitting of the High Court at Maungarei
Marae. As one participant has put this sitting into the
public domain (by letter
to the Editor of the New Zealand Herald) I can give some detail of what
occurred. There have been disputes over the governance of a trust involved in
making Treaty claims
on behalf of an iwi. There are disputes between hapū
affiliated to different marae over who should be trustees of the trust.
This was not a readily justiciable issue. I said I would hold a settlement
conference on the marae to see if resolution could occur
in that setting. As one
would expect, a full and frank exchange of views ensued, though in the nature of
things it was difficult
(and proved impossible) to enforce the usual restriction
on general publication of what occurred at a settlement conference. Plainly,
once the people participated word spread of what occurred.
Settlement was not reached but I was left with the impression that each side
understood the other’s position better.
On a similar note, the Law Commission’s proposal for re-establishing
tribal organisations for Treaty settlement purposes through
a specifically
tailored Māori entity represents a positive step in the direction of
Māori customary process.55 The requirement that disputes within
the entity be subject to an
52 R v Knowles (CA146/98 12 October 1998).
53 For example, see R v Mitchell (CA68/04, 23 August 2004) and Barrett v Police (HC Hamilton, CRI 2003-419-64, 14 June 2004, Randerson J).
54 For example, Arbitration (Arbitration Act 1996) and the process of mediation, through which an independent facilitator assists the parties to reach resolution.
55 This proposal was first mooted in New Zealand Law Commission Treaty
of Waitangi Claims: Addressing the Post Settlement Phase (NZLC SP13 2002)
and developed under the leadership of Hon ET Durie in New Zealand Law Commission
Waka Umanga: A Proposed Law for Māori Governance Entities (NZLC R92
2006).
internal dispute resolution mechanism,56 coupled with the emphasis
on Māori autonomy,57 suggests that there is scope for yet
greater inroads to be made into the civil adversarial system.
The Waka Umanga proposal progressed in Parliament only to the
Committee stages;58 however, it at least provides a blueprint for
how the development of autonomous systems of customary dispute resolution can be
undertaken.
The one remaining difficulty in the civil context concerns the amenability of
disputes, involving Māori as one party and non-Māori
as the other, to
resolution according to tikanga.59 At present it seems inconceivable
that a civil dispute in these circumstances could, ordinarily, be resolved in
this manner. The interests
of certainty would prevent the Court from
countenancing the possibility.
At the same time, there is nothing to prevent parties, particularly in the
context of commercial relationships, from regulating that
relationship according
to a contract which submits all disputes to resolution according to tikanga.
Certainty and institutional respect
for freedom of contract would prove unlikely
allies for Māori custom in this area. The necessary consequence is that the
existence
of tikanga and Māori customary process would become entirely
dependent on recognition by a “common law” construct
– the
contract.
56 New Zealand Law Commission Waka Umanga: A Proposed Law for Māori Governance Entities (NZLC R92 2006) at 17. One possibility ventilated by the Law Commission was the appointment of a kairongomau (peace-maker) who would act in a similar way to an ombudsman.
57 New Zealand Law Commission Waka Umanga: A Proposed Law for Māori Governance
Entities (NZLC R92 2006) at 67-68.
58 See the Waka Umanga (Māori Corporations) Bill, introduced on 21 November 2007 and reported back from the Maori Affairs Select Committee 8 September 2008; also Hon Taihakurei Durie’s paper in this volume. The text of the bill as introduced is available at www.legislation.govt.nz/bill/government/2007/0175/8.0/DLM1057730.html, and the amended version reported by the Select Committee can be found at www.legislation.govt. nz/bill/government/2007/0175/latest/DLM1057730.html.
59 Initially disputes between Māori and early settlers were resolved on Māori terms. See for
example Paul Moon and Peter Biggs The Treaty and its Times (Resource Books, Auckland,
2004) at 55; Alan Ward An Unsettled History: Treaty Claims in New Zealand
Today (Bridget Williams Books, Wellington, 1999) at 9; and Paul McHugh
The Māori Magna Carta: New Zealand Law and the Treaty of Waitangi
(Oxford University Press, Auckland, 1991) at 83.
iV. some cLosing obserVAtions
Outside the ambit of a restrictive statute, custom law can play a meaningful
role. After all, custom has historically been a basis
of law for all people: the
common law reflects society’s common customs and values. As the author of
Salmond on Jurisprudence records:60
It was long the received theory of English law that whatever was not the
product of legislation had its source in custom. Law was
either the written
statute law, or the unwritten, common, or customary law. Judicial precedent was
not conceived as being itself
a legal source of law at all, for it was held to
operate only as evidence of those customs from which the common law
proceeded....
Even now custom has not wholly lost its law-creating efficacy. It is still to
be accounted one of the legal sources of the law of
England, along with
legislation and precedent, but far below them in importance.
In a modern context, custom law can provide the content of standards, like
due care and reasonableness, used in areas in which the
variety of circumstances
and competing policies are such that no set of general rules is likely to be
satisfactory or even workable.61 It can supply the basis for the
implication of a term into a contract.62 It can provide the basis of
title in land.63 It can assist in the definition of a statutory
concept.64 It can form the basis of fishing rights.65 The
common theme running through each of these functions is that all are of a
gap-filling nature. The logical implication is that
custom law cannot stand
alone as an outlying source of law. It must be accommodated within the
existing legal framework.
There appears to be no reason why Māori custom cannot fulfil similar
roles. In practice, however, the judiciary has been more
circumspect. The notion
that custom law must accommodate the existing legal framework appears to have
manifested itself in a judicial
tendency to either err on the side of not giving
full recognition to custom or to look to Parliament to resolve any
uncertainty.
In New Zealand, as in England, a lawfully recognisable custom must possess
four essential attributes:66
60 PJ Fitzgerald (ed) Salmond on Jurisprudence (12ed, Sweet and Maxwell, London, 1966)
at 189-190.
61 RM Unger Law in Modern Society (Free Press, New York, 1976) at 55.
62 See Engineering Dynamics Ltd v Norgren Martonair (NZ) Ltd [1996] NZCA 427; (1996) 7 TCLR 369 (CA).
63 See Attorney-General v Ngati-Apa [2003] NZCA 117; [2003] 3 NZLR 643 (CA).
64 For example, the meaning of kaitiakitanga under s 7, Resource Management Act 1991.
65 See Te Weehi v Regional Fisheries Officer [1986] NZHC 149; [1986] 1 NZLR 680 (HC).
66 Knowles v Police (1998) 15 CRNZ 423 (HC) at 426. See also R v Iti (CA267/06 4 April
2007) at [47].
It must be immemorial; it must be reasonable; it must be certain in respect
of its nature generally, as well as in respect of the
locality where it is
alleged to obtain, and the persons to whom it is alleged to affect; and it must
have continued without interruption
since its immemorial origin. The custom must
be clearly proved to exist, and the burden of proof is on the proponent.
These four requirements impose significant constraints upon the recognition
of custom. They also throw up a number of practical difficulties.
How long is
immemorial? Against what culture’s standard of reasonableness is the
custom to be assessed? Will a custom, given
its dynamic and fluid nature, ever
be certain? Does the custom have to be practised in a completely unchanged and
static manner?
The tendency to subject custom to such tight and yet vague legal
controls67 reflects an institutional unwillingness to “let
go” and forgo any substantive control over customary law. As Hammond J,
delivering the judgment of the Court of Appeal, recently stated in R v
Iti:68
There has to be some ability to limit rights based on aboriginal custom, as
occurs in other rights-based areas of the law, where necessary,
otherwise some
features of Māori custom which would today be considered untenable might be
enabled to continue unabated.
This timidity is evident in decisions of the High Court and Court of Appeal
concerning customary adoption,69 the ability of non-Māori to
inherit Māori land,70 and the ability of whāngai to inherit
from a deceased’s estate.71 It is, however,
understandable.
First, Māori custom law is not easily reconciled with the existing
framework. The former comprises a plethora of norms which
enables participants
to call upon those which best fit the moment. The latter centres upon single
rules which are of general application.
This abundance of norms appears to have
troubled Paterson J in Re Walker. In rejecting a submission that a
whāngai who has the right under tikanga for maintenance and support should
be considered a
claimant under the Family Protection Act 1955, his Honour
remarked:72
67 However, these four requirements do not appear to have been applied religiously.
68 R v Iti (CA267/06 4 April 2007) at [46].
69 B v Director-General of Social Welfare (1997) 15 FRNZ 501 (HC).
70 Grace v Grace [1994] NZCA 276; (1994) 12 FRNZ 614 (CA).
71 Re Walker [2002] NZHC 258; (2002) 22 FRNZ 11 (HC).
72 Re Walker [2002] NZHC 258; (2002) 22 FRNZ 11 (HC) at [16].
If a whangai is capable of being a child of the deceased for the purposes of
s 3, it would, in my view, be necessary for the Court
on each application by a
whangai to consider the relationship in some detail to determine whether or not
the whangai was a person
entitled to maintenance and support.
Difficulties are revealed further when the values underpinning a particular
custom run contrary to the values that inform the “English”
equivalent.73 Put another way, reluctance to apply custom law is at
its greatest when the custom and values underpinning it are foreign to the
judicial
officer who is asked to apply the custom.
Second, it is my view that a critical difficulty facing the judiciary in
applying substantive Māori custom law lies in their
lack of understanding
of Māori culture. How can an accepted custom be proved? And by whom? As the
Law Commission lamented in
2001:74
Part of the problem today is that judges, through no fault of their own, are
being called upon to assess the mores of a society still
largely foreign to
them.
One facet of this “misunderstanding” is the fact that most of the
judiciary are not bilingual. A lack of fluency in Māori
becomes problematic
when Judges are called upon to consider and apply Māori concepts in
statutes. In applying such a concept,
a non-bilingual judge must, first,
identify the English equivalent and, second, identify the incidents of that
concept in terms of
English understanding. This two-pronged process divorces the
concept from its philosophical and cultural base75 and often removes
much of its integrity.
Even a completely bilingual Judge must be aware of the broader experiences
and the intricate patchwork of relationships from which
tikanga stems. An
understanding of a concept is incomplete without an awareness of this additional
dimension. Judges are often ill-equipped
to comprehend the magnitude and depth
of what an ostensibly simple Māori concept can
encapsulate.
73 See J Zorn and J Care “Barava Tru: Judicial Approaches to the Pleading and Proof of Custom
in the South Pacific” (2002) 51 ICLQ 611, 614.
74 New Zealand Law Commission Māori Custom and Values in New Zealand Law (NZLC SP9 2001) at 4.
75 Tomas “Implementing Kaitiakitanga under the RMA” (1994) 1
NZELR 39.
However, like a lack of fluency in Māori, this is not an incurable
defect. Experts can be and often are provided from the relevant
hapū or iwi
to provide an instructive commentary of a specific concept, practice or custom,
how it has evolved and the regional
variations or kawa of the particular social
group that practises or uses it.76
This too involves perceived difficulties. In a speech delivered on 15 April
2004 to the Australasian Law Reform Agencies Conference,
former MP Stephen
Franks posed a cascade of difficulties in applying substantive custom law in
this area. Three are relevant for
present purposes:77
• How can we test those who claim to know it?
• How can we know they are not just making it up?
These difficulties stem in part from the fact that, in New Zealand, custom is
generally not recognised as a free-standing source of
law in its own
right.78 As a result, questions of custom fall to be determined as
questions of fact, leaving the Court heavily reliant on the expert witnesses
produced by the parties. This is particularly so where there are two competing
accounts of custom.
There is a risk that reliance can translate into vulnerability where the
adjudicator is not versed in tikanga, te reo or Māori
culture. Knowledge of
any of these three disciplines provides a basis against which to test the
evidence of those who purport to
be experts in a particular custom. However,
where the contrary applies:79
76 Other alternatives identified by the Law Commission include multi-judge panels, customary assessors, reference to a specialist court, and appointment of amicus to assist the Court. See New Zealand Law Commission Converging Currents: Custom and Human Rights in the Pacific (NZLC SP17 2006) at 197-202.
77 Franks “Going Native: What Indigeneity Should Look Like in the Morning” (paper presented to Australasian Law Reform Agencies Conference, Wellington, 15 April 2004) at 2-3. The author identifies three other difficulties, namely: (1) What is it?; (2) Where is it looked up?; and (3) Who knows what it is if it cannot be looked up? Defining custom law and identifying its sources are beyond the scope of this paper. In any event these questions can be answered by, first, accepting tikanga as a basis for Māori custom law and, second, acknowledging that tikanga is transmitted via an oral tradition.
78 As compared to the Cook Islands, Fiji, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, Nauru, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tokelau, Tuvalu and Vanuatu which all recognise custom law as a source of law in its own right.
79 Durie “Custom Law: Address to the New Zealand Society for Legal
and Social Philosophy” (1994) 24 VUWLR 325, 326.
The presentation of generalised opinions by Māori elders and scholars
not experienced in legal analysis ... leaves the ultimate
interpretation to
untrained adjudicators without access to a coherent lego-anthropological
text.
Cultural inexperience can have two unwanted consequences. It can result in
adjudicators being improperly swayed to an erroneous conclusion
on the back of a
party’s misuse or manipulation of custom.80 Alternatively, and
more likely, it can entrench judicial mistrust of custom and foster an
unwillingness to be receptive to customary
practice.
Finally, the fact that Māori custom, being transmitted orally, is infrequently
written down represents a key challenge to the existing system.
These represent just some of the practical difficulties of application of
custom law rooted in a fundamentally different cultural
world. Defensiveness is
a natural response to an unknown situation. That applies just as equally to
Māori who come before the
existing Courts as it does to Judges who have
little (if any) experience or knowledge of tikanga.
Education and intellectual flexibility are key allies in the challenge to
apply custom. Greater understanding is likely to breed confidence.
With
education, understanding and confidence on the part of all participants, it may
be possible to find a significant place for
Māori within the New Zealand
judicial system. But it will be a significant challenge to do
so.
80 For an example of custom being used for an improper motive see Department of Conservation v Tainui (DC Greymouth CRN 8018003265-6 4 November 1998 Judge GS Noble).
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